War in Ukraine: The drive for US hegemony | Opinion | The USA Print

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The Russian aggression against Ukraine has decisively transformed, since February 24, the already chaotic board of international relations. Although it is impossible to ponder all the consequences of this war on world geopolitics, what is certain is that it is giving the United States a crucial role in defending Western democratic countries against Russia and China. Donald Trump had tried to impose a hegemonic recomposition based on unilateral US power; Joe Biden, without giving up this goal, has changed the way to achieve it, placing particular emphasis on the search for consensus with multilateral allies. And now he is taking advantage of a situation that is favorable to him given the shower of requests for protection from European countries, except France and the United Kingdom, the only holders of nuclear weapons. Finland, Sweden, and the Eastern countries have expressly wanted to join this demand for security in the face of the Russian threat, definitively leaving the project of an autonomous European defense in a corner. The strengthened role of a NATO that has been devalued in the last two decades, especially after the failure in Afghanistan, thus returns to the scene. Its relegitimation has pushed Germany, the main European economic power, to enter the arms race (precisely, one of Trump’s most insistent requests).

The fundamental objective of the US is to try to maintain its economic and financial supremacy in a world system today dominated by its global confrontation with China. This paradigm is configuring, directly or indirectly, beyond the brutal invasion of Ukraine, all current geopolitical conflicts, and only within this framework will it be possible to interpret US strategies.

In the Middle East, a crucial area of ​​energy wealth, the US has promoted an axis with Israel and the Arab monarchies against Iran, recently consolidated on its western flank with Morocco. In Asia, US power is reflected not only in its sea, air, and land Navy and in its role as military protector of Japan, but also in its new weight over the defense capabilities of Australia, another major regional power, as evidenced by the Australian purchases of American-English nuclear submarines (at the expense of France). On the other hand, in his recent speech in Taiwan, Biden has hardened the traditional concept of “strategic ambiguity” —that is, helping allies, but not intervening—, also evoking the possibility of a military intervention in case Chinese attack on the island. Despite the fact that, a day later, the State Department in Washington softened that statement, the message to China does not change: the US will not accept a situation in Taiwan comparable to that in Ukraine. However, the main weak points of the US military force in Asia lie in the impossibility of controlling North Korea’s nuclear race, as well as of building a solid axis with India against Russia. For this reason, the return of the US to Europe is fundamentally the pillar that will configure its new hegemonic cycle, favored by the aberrant hubris of Vladimir Putin.

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