The figure of Tomás González Cueto as external commissioner of the Spanish Football Federation (RFEF) is very relevant in the plot investigated by Judge Delia Rodrigo, as can be seen from the telephone conversations intercepted by the Civil Guard and the conclusions they reach. the investigators of the case opened in court number four of Majadahonda for the alleged crimes of corruption in business, unfair administration and membership in a criminal organization that are attributed to Luis Rubiales and several federation directors. González Cueto, who saw his business relationship with the federation severed as a result of his arrest on March 22 in the framework of Operation Brodie, is the protagonist of several reports from the Central Operational Unit (UCO) in which he details how he tried to compose an electoral board that favored Pedro Rocha and his attempt to preside over the RFEF. Rocha resigned on Wednesday as president of the management commission that manages the day-to-day running of the federation with the intention of running in the elections called for next May 6. The police reports also reveal that González Cueto collected 88,000 euros through the company Dismatec, managed by Francisco Javier Martín, alias Nene, Rubiales’ close friend who is at the center of the corporate plot created by both. González Cueto’s close relationship with Alejandro Blanco, president of the Spanish Olympic Committee (COE), also stems from a telephone tap; In that conversation between the two, the erosion of the relationship between the former external commissioner of the federation and Rubiales is revealed.
The attempt to compose an electoral commission that would favor Pedro Rocha is reflected in the conversation that González Cueto had on January 30 with the president of the territorial of Melilla, Diego Martínez. In it, he tells him that they have to see who is going to be part of the electoral commission. González Cueto points out those who were elected in the previous 2020 electoral process, Ignacio Prendes (former deputy of Ciudadanos), Marisa Castelo (president of the electoral commission of the Television Academy and his friend) and Ricardo Ruano (secretary of the Justice Committee Sports of Navarra). “They are powerful people who are not going to tell you anything, they are not going to be linked to us and yet, damn, the other time they made it into a movie. Because they accepted the drafts that we gave them and so on,” Cueto explains to the Melilla baron. “Okay, okay,” he answers. Afterwards, the conversation turns to the percentages of the different groups that make up the assembly that votes in the elections for the federative presidency. “They were all controlled and by now adding three beach soccer players you are taking them away from someone else who doesn’t interest you,” says Cueto. The conversation describes the control that the territorial presidents exercise over the election of assembly members, which makes it extremely difficult for candidates unrelated to their interests to preside over the federation. “Cueto holds an important position of power within the Federation and even at higher levels, which he would use to influence the board’s decision-making. This capacity to influence would reach the electoral procedure,” concludes the Civil Guard.
According to investigators, the money that González Cueto received from Dismatec came from Gruconsa, the construction company where a brother of the director of the federative legal services, Pedro González Segura, works, and from which the judge is investigating the contracts that were awarded to him for the remodeling of the La Cartuja stadium and for the conditioning of the Las Rozas Football City. The police report states that he received two payments for the aforementioned value of 88,000 euros “the justification for which is unknown.” The correlation between the payments of Gruconsa, Dismatec and González Cueto is based by the researchers on the transfers made with similar amounts on July 7 and 8 and August 3 and 4, 2021. On July 7, Gruconsa transfers 45,375 euros to Dismatec and The next day the Nené company pays 42,350 euros to GC legal, the name of González Cueto’s law firm. On August 3, Gruconsa transfers 47,190 euros to Dismatec and on August 4, GC legal receives 45,980 euros from this company.
From the telephone taps it is inferred that the relationship between Rubiales and González Cueto has cooled considerably. In a conversation with Alejandro Blanco, the researchers only mention his name, but the telephone number that appears in the footnotes corresponds to the president of the Spanish Olympic Committee, Cueto states: “I was in the Dominican Republic with Luis, we had a little altercation recently, the truth is that now I would tell you that we are not speaking to each other.” The altercation refers to Rubiales blaming him for González Cueto’s daughter going to work in the federation. “It’s like Machín’s maracas,” responds Blanco, who, as with Ángel María Villar, was always a faithful defender of Rubiales. “Lately, he asks for things that can’t be done and when they say no, he screws up what I’ve done for you.” “Luis (Rubiales) has done for everyone, no one has done anything for him; nothing. That’s the problem, he has earned everything,” Blanco interjects. “It’s scary what we’ve all risked at the time, huh?” Cueto concludes.
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